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Increasing Access to Health Care for the Medically Underserved through Faith

PUBLIC/PRIVATE RESOURCE

Increasing Access to Health Care for the Medically Underserved through Faith

(Pamela Leong, Center for Religion and Civic Culture at the University of Southern California, 2004.)

 

Vincent, a Latino male in his 50s, expressed dissatisfaction with public health care clinics in Los Angeles County. He noted that one clinic refused to provide him with medication and that the little service received was poor, and given in a manner that was cold and impersonal.  By contrast, he enthusiastically endorsed the medical services he received at a faith-based (Muslim) freestanding medical clinic, where he is now a regular patient.  “Their personality is different, you know?” he said.  “That’s good, you know.” 

Public hospitals and clinics in California are the health-service-providers-of-last resort for the state’s indigent residents. Confronted with severe budget cuts, these hospitals and clinics are under stress. Cut-backs in their services are part of what everyone concedes is a burgeoning crisis.

The fact that the faith-based clinic where Vincent has found a home is surviving—and even thriving—should be carefully noted.  To be sure, because of its location in one of Los Angeles’s most medically underserved neighborhoods, the clinic has been exempted from some of the most severe cutbacks that have been imposed within the county’s network of “public/private partnerships.”  But something more has been going on here. In the midst of widespread stresses in California’s health care system, this faith-based clinic continues to be regarded as a model for demonstrating how high-quality, welcoming, culturally-sensitive medical services can be sustained in low-income neighborhoods.

Lessons Learned

This clinic, of course, is unique to the Los Angelesenvironment.  But universally-applicable lessons can undoubtedly be derived from its success.  In interviews with representatives from the clinic’s administrators, staff members, volunteers, collaborating organizations, and participants, a number of these lessons were repeatedly cited: 

*       A faith-based medical clinic should be located in a central area where marginalized populations can easily access it.  The organization needs to be situated within the area where poor and racial/ethnic minorities are heavily concentrated.  Founders of the Muslim medical clinic established the clinic at the epicenter of a racially-tinged uprising—an area notorious for racial and economic deprivation.

*      The clinic needs to be stationary.  The founders of the medical clinic originally proposed a mobile medical clinic, in which they could drive through the entire community and provide health care services to the needy at their place of residency.  However, it later dawned on the founders that South Los Angelesneeded a more permanent fixture, something they could claim as their own.  They were used to businesses and organizations establishing themselves in their neighborhoods, but their tenure tended to be so fleeting.  The stationary nature of the medical clinic, hence, provided some stability to an otherwise unstable neighborhood.

*     A faith-based medical clinic requires political backing.  Having political support opens the doors to funding opportunities.  The Muslim medical clinic, for example, received considerable support from a city councilwoman, who donated a number of city resources to the clinic, including the physical site, the building, financial donations to clean out hazardous waste underneath the property, and money for building reconstruction. 

*      Medical services can be expanded through the use of volunteer physicians and staff.  The clinic provides physician volunteers with direct, on-site, hands-on clinical interactions with patients in exchange for their labor.  This is a win-win situation for all. The physicians benefit from the experience educationally and career-wise. The clinic is spared heavy expenditures associated with labor costs. And the patients receive high-quality medical services.

*       The clinic benefits from ties with local medical schools, universities, and medical centers.  The clinic exchanges information and resources with local institutions in order to improve and constantly update medical services and clinical operations. 

*      The clinic repeatedly applies for grants.  Operating a medical clinic is very expensive, and donations are not enough.  The program administrator at the Muslim medical clinic noted that finding grants in itself is a “full-time job,” which requires a full-time staff person whose function is solely to write grants. 

*      The clinic controls service utilization by restricting patients to only those who are uninsured.  This prevents unnecessary waste and over-utilization of both medical resources and labor. 

*      The clinic’s leadership nurtures cultural sensitivity in the delivery of services.  The clinic’s leadership urges staff members and volunteers to become familiar with the identity and the values of the surrounding community and cultures.  They need to understand the plight of marginalized populations and the obstacles that that they face.  “You’re working against…generations and generations of negative…factors,” one clinic administrator noted, referring to the cumulative effects of deprivation, poverty, and racism that the clinic patients have faced.  At this clinic, a large proportion of patients are immigrants from Latin American countries and the administrators and clinicians understand the importance of providing a Spanish-language interpreter.  Clinicians also acknowledge that cultural beliefs, norms, and values might affect clinical interaction.  A staff physician noted several examples:  female Muslim patients prefer female health care providers, while male Muslim patients tend to avoid physical contact with female providers, even as an expression of greeting (e.g., shaking hands).  Similarly, around holy days, Muslim patients will also avoid laboratory tests. 

The success of the clinic’s strategies is affirmed by returning patients.  As one administrator observed, “We have an amazing response from our patients.  They really feel connected, that this is their place….Even when they finally get their insurance, they still want to come back to the clinic…. We tell them we can’t bill their insurance; that it’s better for them to go to private health facilities because there are more services when you have insurance. But they still come back here.”

This kind of loyalty is an achievement. The decisions that were made along the way in the clinic’s development deserve our reflection. They have worked in creating a model health care institution within a neighborhood where medical services are scarce.

Several broad recommendations can be derived from the clinic’s experience:

*       Choose a site that announces, loudly and clearly, the neighborhood with which the clinic intends to identify.  Work with religious and political leaders who serve this neighborhood.  They will legitimate your enterprise in the neighborhood.  They will have access to local sources of financial support.

*       Recruit volunteer physicians who will supplement the services of paid professional staff.  These volunteers will quickly expand the range of specialized services that can be offered.

*       Clearly identify the population you intend to serve, then stick with the decisions you make.  Draw boundaries, because free clinics can easily be overwhelmed.

*      Seek affiliations with local medical schools.  They can be valuable sources of student interns and volunteers, whose services are supervised by highly qualified faculty members.

*       Be aggressive in offering training opportunities for staff members and volunteers—especially training opportunities in which the objective is to expand the cultural sensitivity of persons who deliver medical services.

*       Diversify funding sources.

*       Clearly identify your religious affiliations, even when the services you offer may be experienced by participants as secular.

___________________________________________________________________

This is part of a series of Thumbnail Case Studiesauthored by the FASTEN research team and released by Baylor University School of Social Work as part of a 30-month research project funded by the Pew Charitable Trusts.  This project is designed to identify the factors that contribute to the effectiveness of faith-based organizations (FBOs) in addressing challenges of urban poverty.  The Baylor School of Social Work is leading this research team with members from BaylorUniversity’s business school, the schools of social work at the Universityof Pittsburghand VirginiaCommonwealthUniversity, and the Center for Religion and Civic Culture at the Universityof Southern California.

This essay represents some of the findings from the FASTEN research project that are relevant to the planning and delivery of services by faith-based organizations.  The piece was authored by Pamela Leong (with the Center for Religion and Civic Culture at the Universityof Southern California) with the FASTEN Research Team.  She can be reached at pamelale@usc.edu.




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From Welfare to Work: A Participant Discusses What Makes One Faith-Based Program Work

 

      JOBS RESOURCE

From Welfare to Work:  A Participant Discusses What Makes One Faith-Based Program Work

by Pamela Leong (Center for Religion and Civic Culture at the University of Southern California, 2004)

National studies have repeatedly suggested that welfare-to-work participants value the trust, love, support, and respect that they often experience within faith-based job training and job placement programs. Whether or not these relational characteristics can be associated with religiously-motivated commitments to compassion and justice among staff members, it is important to note their centrality in the minds of participants when they attempt to account for their own successes.  Relationships matter. Sensitivity matters.  Emotional, material, and social supports matter.

In the following paragraphs, one participant in a faith-based job training and job placement program speaks for herself.  Mary is a 45-year-old, single, African-American woman who is the mother of an 18-year-old girl. She has moved from welfare to gainful employment successfully.  She tells us what mattered in her trek into the employment market.

Although our description of Mary is intended to protect her identity, her observations are reported in a straightforward way.

  • Mary expressed gratitude for the job training she received—especially for training related to resume writing and computer skills.
  • Mary appreciated the various ways in which staff members offered material support. For example, when Mary’s car broke down, staff members were able to provide bus tokens. When she could not afford to pay for gasoline, they covered the bill.  When Mary could not afford the kinds of clothing that she needed for her job search, they made sure that suitable clothing was available. 
  • The most important element in her successful association with the faith-based job training program, however, was the emotional and social support extended by the staff.  In a county program, Mary reported, the staff had been rude and “nasty and mean.” Two of the staff members had laughed at her attire and at her disheveled appearance. In the faith-based program, staff members were nonjudgmental and supportive. “They care,” Mary says.  “They genuinely care….I was in quick sand.  I was steadily being pulled down, and they reached out to me and pulled me out, washed me off, cleaned me up, and I haven’t looked back since….” 

Even when times were tough in the extreme, Mary remembers that the staff maintained  “faith” in her. For example, on one occasion she was sent to a job interview, which, to her surprise, required a drug test.  When she failed this test, Mary reported, “I was so embarrassed I couldn’t come in and face [the program’s staff].” She stopped coming to the program until a staff member traveled to her home and convinced her that she would be welcomed back. “[I had] let them down a couple times,” Mary said.  “And they still believed in me.  They stood by me, and they worked hard with me.  They never gave up.” 

There were other personal touches:  The staff sent Mary a Christmas card, which she treasured. When she opened a checking account and a credit card account, a dinner was held to honor her accomplishments. “You know how you take a prize home to your mom, and your mom is glowing….I mean, they were so proud of me and I felt that.  It’s just a self-esteem booster.” 

  • Mary was quick to point out that the program does not encourage dependence:  “The door’s open and the opportunity is there.  It’s for you to come in.  They’ll back you up, but you gotta come in and make that first step.  If you don’t make that first step, they are not gonna push you.” The program emphasizes self-reliance, self-motivation, and self-direction.  This strategy appears to be effective, at least from Mary’s perspective. “You know, if you had somebody in your life that’s constantly telling you you’re dumb, you’re not gonna make it, you feel dumb and you feel like you’re not gonna make it. But if you’ve got somebody tellin’ you everyday, ‘You’re beautiful, you can do this, you can do that,’ you know, you start to believe after you hear it so long.  And all this time, no one was telling me that I could do that, until I came here.  No one.  And so, I mean, they help[ed] me out a lot, and I thank God for ‘em…. I feel they’ve made me Cinderella.”  They took a rag…raggly old something and made me feel like Cinderella.”

A common mistake, according to the program director, occurs when staff members intentionally or unintentionally disaggregate the various types of support needed by participants.  Welfare-to-work programs simultaneously require multiple forms of support. “We have a lot of objectives,” the director said, “ but our primary objective is to economically empower impoverished people….And how we do that under our program is through education, training, case management, but most of all, handholding.  And we emphasize the handholding, because a lot of these people have never had a helping hand.”

The emotional and social supports that are extended to participants are central in the strategies of successful welfare-to-work programs. As Mary reported over and over, the presence of these supports enabled her to move from welfare dependence onto gainful employment. She was given a realistic opportunity to reclaim her own self-esteem and dignity. 

Mary’s success illustrates the need for faith-based welfare-to-work programs to provide four general types of support[1] to its participants:

  1. INSTRUMENTAL SUPPORTis help, aid, or assistance with tangible needs.  At this faith-based welfare-to-work program, instrumental support includes training related to resume writing, computer skills, as well as on-the-job training.  But program staff members also offer other forms of material support that may not be directly related to job training (e.g., bus tokens, clothing, etc.).
  2. APPRAISAL/EVALUATIONrefers to the provision of appropriate feedback or assistance in the decision-making process.  At this faith-based welfare-to-work program, staff members regularly evaluated participants’ skills in basic mathematics and English writing and reading, as well as in basic computational abilities.
  3. INFORMATIONAL SUPPORTrefers to the provision of advice or information in the service of particular needs. 
  4. EMOTIONAL SUPPORTrefers to the emotional component:  handholding, love, care, understanding, forgiving participants for transgresses, boosting of self-esteem, being non-judgmental.  In fact, emotional support may be the single most important element in the participant experience in the welfare-to-work program.  Mary herself attributed her successful progression in the faith-based job training program to the emotional and social support extended by the staff.

_______________________________________________________________________

This is part of a series of Thumbnail Case Studies authored by the FASTEN research team and released by Baylor University School of Social Work as part of a 30-month research project funded by the Pew Charitable Trusts.  This project is designed to identify the factors that contribute to the effectiveness of faith-based organizations (FBOs) in addressing challenges of urban poverty.  The Baylor School of Social Work is leading this research team with members from BaylorUniversity’s business school, the schools of social work at the Universityof Pittsburghand VirginiaCommonwealthUniversity, and the Center for Religion and Civic Culture at the Universityof Southern California.

This essay represents some of the findings from the FASTEN research project that are relevant to the planning and delivery of services by faith-based organizations.  The piece was authored by Pamela Leong (with the Center for Religion and Civic Culture at the Universityof Southern California) with the FASTEN Research Team.  She can be reached at pamelale@usc.edu.

 


[1]For additional discussion on the four general types of support, please refer to:  Berkman, Lisa F. and Thomas Glass.  2000.  “Social Integration, Social Networks, Social Support, and Health.”  Pp. 137-173 in Social Epidemiology, edited by Lisa F. Berkman and Ichiro Kawachi.                New YorkOxfordUniversityPress.

 



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Recruiting and Retaining Volunteers in Faith-Based Organizations

   

      VOLUNTEERS RESOURCE  

Recruiting and Retaining Volunteers in Faith-Based Organizations

(Pamela Leong, Center for Religion and Civic Culture at the Universityof Southern California, 2004)

Volunteers are crucial to faith-based organizations.  They allow programs to have staff resources that otherwise would be prohibitively expensive. Success in recruiting and retaining volunteers is serious business--perhaps even a life-and-death business in organizations that face severe financial constraints. Without volunteers, many faith-based human service organizations could not be sustained. Developing effective strategies for effectively recruiting and retaining volunteers should be high priorities in faith-based human service programs.

Recruiting volunteers. In recruiting volunteers, program administrators should recognize the importance of ties that prospective volunteers might already have with your program. Volunteers in Los Angelesfaith-based programs consistently report that they are attracted to organizations where they already have direct or indirect relationships.  A physician at a faith-based medical clinic noted, for example, that she volunteered after hearing about the clinic from a friend who herself had been serving the clinic as a volunteer. A volunteer in another program first heard about it from a fellow church member (the congregation has had long-standing ties with the program).

Thus, it makes sense to prepare your current volunteers to be as effective as possible in doing what they already do—recruiting other volunteers.  Let them know about your volunteers needs and encourage them to be intentional in inviting others to serve.

Program administrators should pay attention to what will serve the concrete interests of potential recruits. Religious scholar Robert Wuthnow says that contemporary volunteering efforts have become “looser,” i.e., that people often volunteer as a way of dealing with their own personal needs.[1]  For instance, medical students who volunteer at a medical clinic are well aware that, by doing so, they gain direct medical training, education, and hands-on clinical interaction with patients. Some volunteers may be looking for organizational experience that can lead to full-time employment.  College students may be interested in building dossiers that will open doors to postgraduate or professional educational programs. Clearly, self-interest can lead people to valued forms of volunteer service.

Retaining volunteers.Because labor is not exchanged for compensation, there usually is no contractual obligation between the volunteer and the organization. This places limits on how much of your program can be carried on by volunteers. “[Y]ou come to a point where you can only ask so much from volunteers…,” as one program administrator observed.  Volunteers who have already demonstrated that they are willing to go the second mile in serving the program are especially valuable.  Developing strategies for retaining these high-commitment volunteers is one of the program’s highest priorities.

Helping volunteers to see the disctinctiveness of your organization is an effective strategy for retaining volunteers.  Highlight regularly and often the services and programs that your organization uniquely offers to participants and volunteers.  Staff at a medical clinic in Los Angeles, for example, remind their volunteer physicians that the clinic affords them access to a radically diverse patient population and exposes them to a range of pathologies not often found in affluent regions of the city. Volunteers in a Christian adoptive and foster parent recruitment program have been told that theirs is the only enterprise in Los AngelesCountythat recruits foster and adoptive parents for deaf infants and children.

Speaking more often about the stake that volunteers have in upgrading and maintaining their community is another approach organization leaders find effective. As members/residents, volunteers have emotional attachments to the community and have personal interests in wanting to advance that community.  So, for example, a program administrator at a job training program in Los Angelesroutinely speaks to volunteers about the positive difference the program makes in creating a “viable, safe, fun” community for both residents and visitors. 

Administrators may also be able to retain volunteers by helping them to feel at home in the organization, to feel included in a community of service.  Organizations that emphasize interpersonal connections and/or intimacy among members/staff/volunteers may also improve retention levels.  A sense of community, perhaps more than any other factor, strengthens commitment, because the individual then feels an emotional, and perhaps even spiritual, attachment.  “There’s a family feel to the staff,” an administrator at a Muslim free clinic observed.  That experience should be shared and actively promoted in the organization.

Here are some first steps that your program can take in its attempts to be more intentional and strategic in recruiting and retaining volunteers:

  • Identify the network of relationships that your program currently enjoys. Who are your friends? With which institutions or organizations does your program regularly interact? Where is your program known?  What are the most important sources of your current corps of volunteers?

When you have constructed this “map” of program/volunteer relationships, develop strategies for utilizing this network to recruit new volunteers. Staff members associated with the foster/adoptive parent recruitment program, for example, realized that many of their volunteers come from congregations where there are substantial numbers of foster/adoptive families that are being served by the program.  Now, when staff members speak to congregations about possibilities for serving as foster/adoptive parents, they mention the need for members to provide short-term volunteer services such as baby-sitting, transportation, and emergency services for these parents.

  • Routinely turn to your current volunteers to serve as recruiters of others. A youth services program in Los Angeles, for example, includes in its volunteer orientation program information about different kinds of volunteers that are needed.
  • Identify the ways in which an association with your program directly benefits volunteers. Then, in your recruitment of volunteers, target groups whose interests would be served by offering themselves as volunteers.  For example, the Muslim free clinic in Los Angelesactively promotes volunteerism among undergraduate pre-med students. These are students whose service in the free clinics tangibly upgrades their ability to compete for admission to medical school.
  • Be strategic in your attempts to retain volunteers.  You could, for example, create events in which your whole staff—volunteers and paid employees—speak together about the significance of what they are offering participants and about the contribution of their program to the neighborhood’s development. You could review how volunteers are utilized in the program to be sure that they are not isolated—i.e., that volunteers and paid employees work side by side.  You could create times and places where individuals simply enjoy each others’ company—around cups of coffee, at lunchtime.

________________________________________________________________________

This is part of a series of Thumbnail Case Studies authored by the FASTEN research team and released by Baylor University School of Social Work as part of a 30-month research project funded by the Pew Charitable Trusts.  This project is designed to identify the factors that contribute to the effectiveness of faith-based organizations (FBOs) in addressing challenges of urban poverty.  The Baylor School of Social Work is leading this research team with members from BaylorUniversity’s business school, the schools of social work at the Universityof Pittsburghand VirginiaCommonwealthUniversity, and the Center for Religion and Civic Culture at the Universityof Southern California.

This essay represents some of the findings from the FASTEN research project that are relevant to the planning and delivery of services by faith-based organizations.  The piece was authored by Pamela Leong (with the Center for Religion and Civic Culture at the Universityof Southern California) with the FASTEN Research Team.  She can be reached at pamelale@usc.edu.

 


 

[1] Wuthnow, R.  (1998).  Loose Connections:  Joining Together in America’s Fragmented Communities.  CambridgeHarvardUniversityPress.



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